6. Those who somewhat disagree
are targets, not opponents.
Changing attitudes and behavior in the marketplace of ideas is how issues are won. Benchmark-poll or survey data simply show the size of the task, not yet the result.

Our mutual craft in public affairs communications—yours and ours—is an applied art, not fine art, of course. But we can neglect to take that to its complete, logical end: the purpose of communications is not just to communicate; it is to effect change in market attitudes or behavior.

We say “market” instead of “constituency” to emphasize that constituencies compose a marketplace. While our craft is different from product or service marketing, it is a great mistake not to see the similarities.

In public affairs, we instinctively try to create preference for our “product” (an idea) over the other guy’s product (idea). It’s what we do every day, be it with securities analysts, lawmakers, regulators, shareholders, municipal and community leaders, or far broader audiences.

But the discipline of marketing (and its advantage of looking at political objectives through a marketer’s lens) brings us to an easier understanding of what, exactly, we need to do and how to do it. It forces us to map out our instincts, and there can be some valuable surprises along the way. Often, we find that we are just “doing stuff” that does not impact the objective. In taking a marketer’s view, we can sometimes find one easy, quick path to success that our formula thinking and instincts have missed.

Another “Rules of the Road” essay, “Play your game,” provides an example of a utility seeking state Public Service Commission approval for a highly controversial project. Never mind the exact nature of the project here; the lesson is in the methodology of planning. It was foreseen that both client corporation and its opposition would do exactly the same things: Publish op-eds, appear on talk radio, prepare lobbyist packets for discussion and delivery to staff, line up witnesses, and present their best cases in oral and written testimony and before the media. The real task, however, was to prevent delay and get badly needed approval, even amid huge controversy, in short order.

Understand the market
The public affairs specialist with a marketer’s savvy sees this: that the only “market” that counts comprises three appointed PSC members. What are those members thinking now, and how do we get them to think and act as we desire? What are the forces at work in this “buying decision”? Understanding that people in public places are least likely to make fast decisions at the height of controversy, the marketer sets out to remove controversy in a way that gives the market comfort.

He understands that, even if a commissioner agrees with our stance, he or she is a human being fearful of criticism and embarrassment for self or family and fearful of ruined aspirations. And who or what could cause a commissioner such damage? It would be the mere act of voting against public opinion heavily weighted toward the opposite view.

We in public affairs all think this way naturally, but unless we map out our own market, market share in support of us, and the forces at work in the marketplace as above, we are unlikely to see or enact the obvious.

The obvious in this case was to prove that statewide public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of the project and its purpose, despite all the media ink and activist talk to the contrary. One simple quantitative survey, fielded early and released at the right time, created total comfort and won the approval—early.

Break political deadlock
It is a simple microcosm of the macro we see every four years in presidential elections. Huge sums are spent by both parties, and generally the result has been dictated by a percentage point or two. A marketing public affairs mind would say this “deadlock” will continue as long as there is lack of organized, marketing-like constituency building by either party over each of the preceding three years—lack of the marketing of ideas and vision by either party, other than what media report helter-skelter, day by day, about the behavior or views of those parties.

The fact is that, in our applied art, the total constituency is seldom the body that will actually make the decision, as in elections, but knowing (to the percentage point) what it feels about our issue can make or break “the sale” with the actual body that will decide.

Whether it is the total constituency or a slice of it, such as a service area, congressional district or a confined geography affected by the imminent decision, markets for ideas must be built. Where positive sentiment preexists, it should be measured, proven, then leveraged with the decision-making body, either directly or, if that is inappropriate, through the media. Where it does not exist, then those who somewhat disagree must be moved into the “somewhat agree” column, and those who somewhat agree must be moved into the “strongly agree” column.

Hence, our rule: Those who “somewhat disagree” are our targets, not our opponents.

Acknowledging this reality is what we too often do not do instinctively, either on an ongoing basis or under fire, yet it can be the quickest, easiest, least expensive path to resounding success and enhanced company reputation. The purpose of public affairs communications is not just to communicate; it is to create numbers that are measurable, provable and usable.

 

 

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